Showing posts with label Weber. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Weber. Show all posts

Monday, August 3, 2009

Aktion Reinhardt [1986] (English version)



The article below, written in March 1986, has never been published before now. It demolishes the substitution argument adopted by certain exterminationists as well as by the semi-revisionist David Irving, an argument according to which, for want of a henceforth dubious “Holocaust” in the alleged “gas chambers” of Auschwitz, Birkenau and Majdanek there existed, further East, an undisputable “Holocaust” in the “gas chambers” of the three camps at Sobibor, Belzec and Treblinka, called “the Reinhardt sites” by D. Irving.

At this very moment, John Demjanjuk, 89 years of age, is paying the cost of that lie. After having been falsely accused of gassing Jews at Treblinka, then sentenced to death by an Israeli court, and after having lived for five years waiting to be hanged, he was finally found innocent and released. Some Jews then had the gall to claim that, if he had not been at Treblinka, he must have been at Sobibor! As a consequence, the American authorities have again extradited him, this time handing him over to the German, not the Israeli, justice system. Despite his state of health, which is alarming, J. Demjanjuk is today incarcerated in a German prison.
Legend has it that the purported extermination of the Jews at Sobibor, Belzec and Treblinka was done within the framework of an “Aktion Reinhard”. However, as R. Faurisson already demonstrated twenty-three years ago, the operation in question, which in fact bore the surname of the 3rd Reich’s Secretary of State for Finances, Fritz Reinhardt (with a “t”) and not the Christian name of Heydrich, that is, Reinhard (without “t”), had nothing to do with any extermination whatever: it dealt essentially with the economic and financial effects of the displacements, in Poland, of Polish and Jewish populations in the years 1942-1943. An attentive study of one of the documents concerning the “Aktion Reinhardt” will go so far as to prove that the man in charge of it, General Odilo Globocnik, did indeed have in mind the idea that the displaced Jews passing through the transit camps of Sobibor, Belzec and Treblinka would, after the war, be installed somewhere outside Europe. At the Nuremberg trial (1945-1946), by an extraordinarily dishonest sleight of hand, the British prosecution succeeded in hiding that idea of O. Globocnik’s which, besides, only reiterated thoughts expressed by Hitler or Himmler: so true is it that the authorities of the 3rd Reich sought, like the Zionists, “a TERRITORIAL final solution” (eine territoriale Endlösung) of the Jewish question. Expressions such as “solution” or “final solution” of the Jewish question are but abbreviations of “territorial final solution” of the Jewish question. As early as June 24, 1940, Heydrich himself spoke of “eine territoriale Endlösung” and, at his end, a high-ranking official named Martin Luther, head of the “Germany” section at the Foreign ministry, recalled in a long memorandum of August 21, 1942 that that phrase remained in force and that, when the war was over, the Jews, as a whole, would have to leave Europe (Aufzeichnung, p. 4, 13; alias Nuremberg trial document NG-2586).
In the recent Dictionnaire de la Shoah (made under the direction of Georges Bensoussan, Jean-Marc Dreyfus, Edouard Husson and Joël Kotek, Paris, Larousse 2009), an article not to be missed is “Opération Reinhard [sic]” by the Belgian Daniel Bovy; the author seems a man of crass ignorance: on the subject he has apparently read neither Raul Hilberg, nor Uwe Dietrich Adam, nor the indispensable Nuremberg document PS-4024. He does nothing but speculate in the void.
August 3, 2009

***

The Aktion Reinhardt – and not Reinhard – (March 1942 - October 1943) was never an operation of extermination of the Jews of Poland but rather an operation whose fourfold purpose was:
- the transfer of certain Polish or Jewish populations;
- the utilisation of Polish or Jewish manpower (sometimes in camps);
- the exploitation of property confiscated from Poles or Jews;
- the seizure of hidden valuables and money, as well as of landed property.
The head of this operation was Odilo Globocnik, holder of a degree in engineering who, having become an SS General, was based with his division at Lublin. O. Globocnik probably committed suicide in prison on May 31, 1945.
If the Aktion Reinhardt had been a project of extermination of the Jews, it would, as such, have produced documents attesting to the existence of an order, along with directives and instructions, to that effect. Moreover, to take but these three oft-mentioned examples, the camps of Treblinka, Sobibor and Belzec, used, among a number of others, in the framework of that operation, would not have proved to be transit camps but would have been equipped to exterminate masses of human beings.
To lend substance to the extermination argument, some writers often spell the operation’s name “Reinhard” (without the “t”). It is claimed that a vast undertaking of mass murder had been so christened in homage to the Protector of Bohemia-Moravia, Reinhard Heydrich, assassinated in Prague by British-armed Czech terrorists. That act was perpetrated on May 27, with the victim dying on the 4th of June. As the Aktion Reinhardt began towards mid-May 1942, it pre-dates that assassination. Also, it is hard to imagine the German bureaucracy deciding to give that kind of enterprise the Christian name of one of the highest State officials: it was not its policy to call Hitler, Göring, Himmler or Heydrich by their forenames of Adolf, Hermann, Heinrich or Reinhard.
Historian Uwe Dietrich Adam’s admission
Uwe Dietrich Adam was the author of Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich (Düsseldorf, Droste, 1972). He took part in the historians’ symposium at the Sorbonne, held, in camera, from June 29 to July 2, 1982; a book published three years later, L’Allemagne nazie et le génocide juif (Gallimard/Le Seuil, 1985), supposedly reproduces the various conference papers. In his own contribution on “Les chambres à gaz” (p. 236-261), U. D. Adam carried out some interesting revisions of the commonly accepted theory concerning the Aktion Reinhardt. For example, he happened to write:
On this subject, certain enigmas subsist. Thus, contrary to what the majority of historians think, it is not sure that the name of this operation was given to it in memory of Heydrich, who died on July 5, 1942 [error for: June 4, 1942], following an assassination attempt. Likewise, it is difficult to explain the separation in time of the [respective] building works: at Belzec they began in November 1941, at Sobibor in March 1942 and at Treblinka in late May and early June 1942 (p. 246).
In a note, he pointed out:
To use the name of the deceased head of the RSHA [Central Office of Reich Security] would have been not only an inappropriate choice but also an irreverent one: besides, what connection could there have been between the killing of Polish Jews and the Czech perpetrators of the attack? It is surely more likely that the name evokes that of Secretary of State for Finances Fritz Reinhardt, a spelling in fact found in some documents from the Reinhardt operation, about which this writer is currently preparing a monograph (p. 259, n. 70).
Unhappily, U. D. Adam was to die before he could finish that monograph.
At the Nuremberg trial
At the Nuremberg trial, the prosecution used the selection of documents grouped under classification mark PS-4024 (published in Trial of the Major War Criminals [IMT] vol. XXXIV, p. 58-92), which concerns the economic part of Aktion Reinhardt. The matter was brought up during the hearings of August 5, 6 and 16, 1946. For its treatment in the August 5 session, pages 318-327 in volume XX of the English IMT are to be consulted (German version: p. 349-359). In the same volume XX, pages 422-424 contain its handling on August 6 (German version: p. 460-462). The relevant transcript from August 16 is to be found on pages 239-241 of volume XXI (German version: p. 268-270).
An “omission” by the British junior counsel
At the Nuremberg trial, Major Elwyn Jones, junior counsel for the United Kingdom, sought to make “PS-4024” the main issue against the defendant Walther Funk, minister of the Economy, and against two German witnesses: Friedrich Karl, baron von Eberstein, an SS division General as well as police commissioner of Munich, and the SS judge Gunther Reinecke. In all three instances, E. Jones showed himself to be less than convincing. Moreover, he knowingly committed a grave omission. In a document from his office contained in “PS-4024” and dated February 27, 1943, O. Globocnik foresaw seven measures meant to calm the apprehensions of groups of people being transferred or relocated. The British junior counsel omitted the most significant of those measures, of which the following translation may be offered:
7/. The office is considering giving to relocated persons a certificate of what they will have left behind in the way of houses, farms, livestock and belongings of which inventory may be made, without, however, making any commitment for an obligatory compensation thereof. The future will decide whether such compensation must ensue some day in Brazil or in the Far East. It is only necessary to give transferred persons the feeling that there will ensue, later on, an indemnity for possessions left behind (IMT and IMG, XXXIV, p. 66).
And it is after those words that the signature of O. Globocnik appears. One cannot see the signature without seeing point 7. There, in point 7, may be noted the trace of the idea, dear to Adolf Hitler, Reinhard Heydrich and a good many other National-Socialists according to which the Jewish question would find its solution, after the war, in the creation of a sort of Jewish State that might be situated in Madagascar, Africa, South America or the Far East. Neither O. Globocnik nor any other National-Socialist envisaged the solution of such a problem by the physical extermination of the Jewish people.
As for the policy consisting in the displacement of whole populations and despoiling them more or less brutally of some or all of their possessions, it has, unfortunately, been employed constantly throughout history. The Allies practised it on a grand scale with regard to about 12 million Germans at the war’s end. As for the Jews, they themselves follow no other policy with regard to the Arabs of Palestine.*
March 1986 [August 3, 2009]


* Note (April 1986): Mark Weber, of the Institute for Historical Review, to whom I have sent an English summary of this text, informs me that, curiously, in the translation of German documents produced by the American prosecution at Nuremberg, the same omission of point 7 is to be noted (Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Washington, G.P.O., 1946-1948; Supplement A, p. 744-770 for document PS-4024).

Aktion Reinhardt [1986] (version française)



Daté de mars 1986, l’article ci-dessous n’a, jusqu’ici, jamais été publié. Il démolit la thèse de substitution adoptée par certains exterminationnistes ainsi que par le semi-révisionniste David Irving, thèse selon laquelle, à défaut d’un « Holocauste », devenu aujourd’hui douteux, dans les prétendues « chambres à gaz » d’Auschwitz, de Birkenau et de Majdanek, il aurait existé, plus à l’Est, un incontestable « Holocauste » dans les « chambres à gaz » des trois camps de Sobibor, de Belzec et de Treblinka, appelés par D. Irving « les sites Reinhardt ».

En ce moment même, John Demjanjuk, qui est âgé de 89 ans, fait les frais de ce mensonge. Après avoir été faussement accusé d’avoir gazé des juifs à Treblinka, puis condamné à mort par un tribunal israélien et après avoir vécu cinq ans dans l’attente d’être pendu, il a été reconnu innocent et libéré. Des juifs ont alors eu l’aplomb de prétendre que, s’il n’avait pas été à Treblinka, il avait dû être à Sobibor ! En conséquence, les autorités américaines l’ont à nouveau extradé et livré, cette fois-ci, à la justice allemande et non à la justice israélienne. Malgré son état de santé qui est alarmant, J. Demjanjuk est aujourd’hui incarcéré dans une prison allemande.
La légende veut que la prétendue extermination des juifs à Sobibor, Belzec et Treblinka se soit produite dans le cadre d’une « Aktion Reinhard ». Or, ainsi que le démontrait R. Faurisson il y a déjà vingt-trois ans, cette opération, qui porte en fait le nom d’un secrétaire d’Etat aux finances du IIIe Reich, Fritz Reinhardt (avec un « t ») et non pas le prénom de Heydrich, soit Reinhard (sans «t»), n’a rien eu à voir avec une extermination quelconque ; elle a essentiellement porté sur les retombées économiques et financières des déplacements en Pologne de populations polonaises et juives dans les années 1942-1943. Une étude attentive de l’un des documents concernant l’ « Aktion Reinhardt » va jusqu’à prouver que le responsable de cette opération, le général Odilo Globocnik, avait bien présente à l’esprit l’idée que les juifs ainsi déplacés et passant par les camps de transit de Sobibor, de Belzec et de Treblinka, seraient installés, après la guerre, hors d’Europe. Au procès de Nuremberg (1945-1946), par un tour de passe-passe d’une insigne malhonnêteté, l’accusation britannique a réussi à cacher cette idée d’O. Globocnik, laquelle, d’ailleurs, ne fait que reproduire des pensées exprimées par Hitler ou Himmler. Tant il est vrai que les autorités du IIIe Reich recherchaient, comme les sionistes, « une solution finale TERRITORIALE » (eine territoriale Endlösung) de la question juive. Des expressions telles que « solution » ou « solution finale » de la question juive ne sont que l’abréviation de « solution finale territoriale » de la question juive. Dès le 24 juin 1940, Heydrich parlait de « eine territoriale Endlösung » et, de son côté, un haut fonctionnaire, Martin Luther, chef de la division « Allemagne » au sein du ministère des Affaires étrangères, rappelait dans un long mémorandum en date du 21 août 1942 que cette formule restait en vigueur et qu’à la fin de la guerre les juifs, dans leur ensemble, devraient avoir à quitter l’Europe (Aufzeichnung, p. 4, 13 ; alias document du procès de Nuremberg NG-2586).
Dans le récent Dictionnaire de la Shoah (sous la direction de Georges Bensoussan, Jean-Marc Dreyfus, Edouard Husson et Joël Kotek, Larousse 2009), on ne manquera pas de lire l’article « Opération Reinhard [sic] » du Belge Daniel Bovy; l’auteur semble d’une ignorance crasse ; sur le sujet il n’a apparemment lu ni Raul Hilberg, ni Uwe Dietrich Adam, ni l’indispensable document de Nuremberg PS-4024. Il ne fait que spéculer dans le vide.
3 août 2009
***

L’Aktion Reinhardt – et non Reinhard – (mars 1942-octobre 1943) n’a jamais été une opération d’extermination des juifs de Pologne mais une opération dont les quatre objectifs étaient :
- le transfert de certaines populations polonaises ou juives ;
- l’utilisation de la main-d’œuvre polonaise ou juive (parfois dans des camps) ;
- l’exploitation de biens confisqués aux Polonais ou aux juifs ;
- la collecte de valeurs dissimulées ou encore la saisie d’immeubles.
Le responsable de cette opération fut Odilo Globocnik, ingénieur diplômé devenu général de division SS et siégeant à Lublin. O. Globocnik s’est probablement suicidé en prison le 31 mai 1945.
Si l’Aktion Reinhardt avait été une opération d’extermination des juifs, elle aurait produit, en tant que telle, des documents qui auraient attesté de l’existence d’un ordre ainsi que de directives et d’instructions en ce sens. De plus, pour ne prendre que ces trois exemples souvent cités, les camps de Treblinka, de Sobibor et de Belzec, utilisés, parmi bien d’autres, dans le cadre de cette opération, ne se seraient pas révélés être des camps de transit mais auraient été équipés pour exterminer des masses humaines.
Pour donner corps à la thèse de l’extermination, on écrit souvent Aktion Reinhard (sans « t »). On prétend qu’une vaste opération d’assassinats collectifs aurait été ainsi baptisée en hommage au Protecteur de Bohême-Moravie, Reinhard Heydrich, assassiné à Prague par des terroristes tchèques armés par la Grande-Brétagne. L’attentat a été perpétré le 27 mai 1942 et la victime est morte le 4 juin. Comme l’Aktion Reinhardt a débuté vers la mi-mai 1942, elle est antérieure à cet assassinat. Et puis, on imagine difficilement la bureaucratie allemande décidant de donner à une entreprise de ce genre le prénom de l’un des plus hauts dirigeants de l’Etat: il n’était pas dans ses usages d’appeler Hitler, Göring, Himmler ou Heydrich par leurs seuls prénoms d’Adolf, de Hermann, de Heinrich ou de Reinhard.
L’admission de l’historien Uwe Dietrich Adam
Uwe Dietrich Adam est l’auteur de Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich (Düsseldorf, Droste, 1972). Il a participé au colloque d’historiens qui, du 29 juin au 2 juillet 1982, s’est tenu, à huis clos, à la Sorbonne. Paru trois ans plus tard, un ouvrage est supposé reproduire le texte des communications de ce colloque (L’Allemagne nazie et le génocide juif, Gallimard/Le Seuil, 1985). Dans sa propre contribution sur « Les chambres à gaz » (p. 236-261), U.D. Adam procède à d’intéressantes révisions de la thèse communément admise au sujet de l’Aktion Reinhardt. Par exemple, il en vient à écrire :
A ce sujet, certaines énigmes subsistent. Ainsi, au contraire de ce que pensent la majorité des historiens, il n’est pas certain que le nom de cette opération ait été attribué au souvenir de Heydrich, disparu le 5 juillet 1942 [erreur pour : le 4 juin 1942], à la suite d’un attentat. De même on explique mal le décalage dans le temps des travaux de construction : le chantier de Belzec débuta en novembre 1941, celui de Sobibor en mars 1942 et celui de Treblinka fin mai et début juin 1942 (p. 246).
Dans une note, il précise :
Utiliser le nom du chef du RSHA [Office central de sûreté du Reich] disparu aurait été un choix non seulement impropre mais irrévérencieux : quel rapport aurait-il pu y avoir par ailleurs entre l’assassinat de Juifs polonais et les Tchèques auteurs de l’attentat ? Le nom évoque sans doute plus vraisemblablement celui du secrétaire d’Etat aux Finances Fritz Reinhardt, orthographe que l’on retrouve précisément dans certains documents de l’opération Reinhardt. Sur cette dernière, l’auteur de ces lignes prépare une monographie (p. 259, n. 70).
Malheureusement, U.D. Adam devait mourir avant de pouvoir achever cette monographie.
Au procès de Nuremberg
Au procès de Nuremberg, l’accusation a utilisé le choix de documents réunis sous la cote PS-4024 (TMI XXXIV, p. 58-92), qui concerne la partie économique de l’Aktion Reinhardt. Le sujet à été évoqué, au cours des débats, les 5, 6 et 16 août 1946. Pour la version française, on se reportera, dans le volume XX, aux pages 341-350 mais en prenant soin de confronter cette version à la version allemande des pages 349-359, tant la version française peut induire en erreur, par exemple quand elle donne à croire qu’un document allemand contenait le mot de « Sklavenlager » (camp d’esclaves) alors que cette expression provient sous sa forme anglaise du major Elwyn Jones, substitut du procureur général britannique (texte français fautif, p. 348; texte allemand correct, p. 357). Dans le même volume XX, on consultera, pour la version française, les pages 451-453 et, pour la version allemande, les pages 460-462. Dans le volume XXI, on se reportera, pour la version française, aux pages 257-258 et, pour la version allemande, aux pages 268-270.
Une « omission » du substitut britannique
Au procès de Nuremberg, le substitut Elwyn Jones a voulu faire du recueil de documents PS-4024 son cheval de bataille contre l’accusé allemand Walther Funk, ministre de l’Economie, et contre deux témoins allemands qui furent, d’une part, Friedrich Karl, baron von Eberstein, général de division SS et préfet de police à Munich, et, d’autre part, le juge SS Gunther Reinecke. Dans les trois cas, E. Jones s’est montré peu convaincant. Par ailleurs, il s’est rendu coupable d’une grave omission. Dans un document en date du 27 février 1943, O. Globocnik envisageait sept mesures destinées à calmer les appréhensions des populations à transférer ou à transplanter. Le substitut britannique a omis la dernière et la plus significative de ces mesures dont on peut proposer la traduction suivante :
7/. On envisage de donner aux transplantés une attestation de ce qu’ils auront laissé en tant que maison, ferme, bétail et biens à inventorier, sans prendre pour autant l’engagement d’une compensation obligatoire. Que cette compensation doive s’ensuivre un jour au Brésil ou en Extrême-Orient, l’avenir en décidera. Il faut seulement donner aux transférés le sentiment qu’il s’ensuivra plus tard une indemnisation des biens laissés derrière eux (TMI et IMG, XXXIV, p. 66).
Et c’est après ces mots qu’apparaît la signature d’O. Globocnik. On ne peut voir la signature sans voir le point 7. On relève, dans ce point 7, la trace de l’idée, chère à Adolf Hitler, Reinhard Heydrich et à bien d’autres nationaux-socialistes selon laquelle la question juive trouvera sa solution, après la guerre, dans la création d’une sorte d’Etat juif qui pourra se situer à Madagascar, en Afrique, en Amérique du Sud ou en Extrême-Orient. Ni O. Globocnik, ni aucun autre national-socialiste n’a envisagé la solution d’un tel problème par l’extermination physique du peuple juif.
Quant à la politique qui consiste à déplacer des populations entières et à les spolier plus ou moins brutalement d’une partie ou de la totalité de leurs biens, elle est d’un emploi malheureusement constant tout au long de l’histoire. Les Alliés l’ont pratiquée à grande échelle à l’égard d’environ 12 millions d’Allemands à la fin de la guerre. Quant aux juifs, ils ne suivent pas d’autre politique à l’égard des Arabes de Palestine.*

mars 1986 [3 août 2009]


* Note (avril 1986) : Mark Weber, de l’Institute for Historical Review, auquel j’ai envoyé une version anglaise de ce texte, me fait savoir que, curieusement, dans la traduction des documents allemands mise au point par le ministère public américain, on note la même omission du point 7 (Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Washington, G.P.O., 1946-1948. Supplément A, p. 744-770 pour le document PS-4024).

Friday, April 3, 2009

Mark Weber must resign from the Institute for Historical Review

Mark Weber must resign from the Institute for Historical Review, remaining free to establish, if he wishes, a body for the struggle against what he calls “the Jewish-Zionist power.” He has, in effect, recently announced in a veiled way his abandonment, if not of revisionism, then at least of the revisionist fight. He therefore no longer belongs at the head of an institute whose main job is to combat what Arthur R. Butz so rightly calls The Hoax of the Twentieth Century.

Weber knows that there’s sometimes not too much danger in speaking out against the “Jewish-Zionist power.” Even some Jews and Zionists at times attack that power as well. On the other hand, he is also fully aware that it’s always highly dangerous to commit the least transgression against the Jews’ and Zionists’ sacred cow, their supreme taboo, i.e. their secular religion of “the Holocaust,” and this is a risk he no longer wants to run. The text he entitled “How Relevant is Holocaust Revisionism?” bears the date “January 2009,” with no further precision, but I suppose he finished it in late December 2008. He was stirred to write it by the ever more pressing requests I’d had to make, over quite a number of years, of the IHR’s director in order to know finally whether or not he believed in the “Jewish genocide” and the “Nazi gas chambers.” My first request for enlightenment goes back to April 20, 1993 (!), and the last two date from September 16 and December 2, 2008. To relate just the final one of these, it carried the following two questions:

1) Do you believe that the Germans decided and planned a physical destruction of the Jews of Europe? (“the specific crime”); 2) Do you believe in the existence and use by the Germans of homicidal gas chambers or gas vans? (“the specific weapons of the specific crime”).

For fifteen years, instead of answering me frankly, Weber had piled up equivocations and evasions. I suppose that, on receiving my request of December 2, 2008, he sensed that my patience had run out and that I was about to make public this stubborn refusal of his to give any clarification. He therefore had to seize the initiative and explain himself publicly on the question of revisionism.

That’s what he attempts to do in his text dated “January 2009,” but I note that once again he tries to slip out of it. The questions I put amounted to asking: “Are you really a revisionist?” However, here he is stating that revisionism itself is hardly “relevant,” which, I assume, means that it is “of no great interest.” He concludes that revisionism is of course still “a worthy endeavor.” He adds nonetheless: “But there should be no illusions about its social-political relevance. In the real world struggle against Jewish-Zionist power, Holocaust revisionism has proved to be as much a hindrance as a help.”

That’s quite a remarkable bit of news! From the very mouth of the man who’s been running the Institute for Historical Review since 1995, we learn all of a sudden that that institute is henceforth going to devote itself first of all to the fight against Judeo-Zionism and that, in this new combat, according to Weber, revisionism is, in itself, just as “irrelevant” as it is “relevant.” He goes as far as to add that, in the combat to which he intends to commit himself from now on, revisionism will be considered, at least in part, a “hindrance”!

I’m pleased at having finally obtained in this way, from Weber in person, the disclosure of a secret he’d been keeping from us till now. Of course, he sidesteps my questions once again but at least now — though not without difficulty — I’ve made him take off his mask and proclaim that he is giving up the revisionist fight as such.

1. From 1979 to 1989 he gave me the impression of being a revisionist

It was in 1979 that I made my acquaintance with Weber. He’d invited me to stay at his home in Arlington, Virginia, and helped me with my research at the National Archives both in Washington and in Suitland, Maryland. At the time, he told me he’d begun work as well on “the Holocaust” and, in particular, on the aerial photographs of Auschwitz and the Einsatzgruppen. I found in him a researcher endowed with good intellectual qualities and also a man who, whilst openly showing vigorous far-right convictions, seemed without character. It even seemed that, if he so admired strength or energy, it was because he himself was weak, timorous, hesitant. In contrast, his compatriot Arthur R. Butz, whom I’d met in Paris a few years before and whom I met again that year in the United States, appeared to possess not only exceptional intellectual qualities but also solid character.

Still in 1988, Weber was apparently a revisionist. It was in that capacity that he gave evidence under oath as an expert witness at the Zündel trial in Toronto. Yet in the years that followed, before the growing difficulties encountered by revisionism, he seemed to me to lose heart, which was understandable. It was at this time that he, in all honesty, ought to have got off the revisionist ship, openly and for all to see. Unfortunately, he preferred to keep his post at the IHR and, from 1995, the remuneration that came with the office of director. From then on he doomed himself to play a kind of double game. He let his subscribers and collaborators believe he was continuing in the revisionist struggle but, in reality, he was already starting to scuttle the vessel entrusted to him.

In 1989 he agreed to accompany Fred Leuchter and me in our examinations of Dachau, Mauthausen and Hartheim. He was strongly impressed by the nature of our investigation work, largely similar in method to that of police inspectors, both technical (on site) and scientific (in the laboratory). But truth compels me to say that he also, on more than one occasion, exhibited such fright that, in Germany, I thought to myself: “Here we’ve got a real softy of a revisionist, someone who may well abandon us should serious difficulties arise.”

Sometimes I’ve seen him go pale at the sight of our boldness and, in particular, when he happened to hear the noisy work of F. Leuchter on site. Leuchter couldn’t avoid making something of a racket banging out tiny fragments from the walls of the so-called homicidal “gas chambers” with his chisel. As the pieces fell to his feet he took the time, keeping his protective mask on, to gather them up slowly and scrupulously. Had a guard come by at that instant, we could well have found ourselves under arrest. The risk had to be run but it set Weber’s teeth chattering. I was embarrassed for him.

2. In 1991, in Munich, I discover his fright in the midst of the revisionist struggle

The scene is a hotel in Munich on March 23, 1991, where Ernst Zündel has made an appointment with fellow revisionists for the “Leuchter-Kongreß.” Personally, I had arrived from Paris where, in the Palais de Justice over the previous two days, I’d had to confront Jewish commandos who assaulted and injured a certain number of those present. I myself was hurt and, upon entering the courtroom, was also spat upon. They were two rough days, the second ending only quite late in the evening.

Once out of court I slipped into a car driven by a brother-in-law of mine who, as it happens, is an excellent driver and who, going along at full throttle, got us to Munich at 5 AM. I hadn’t slept a wink all night and wanted to rest a bit in my hotel room. At 7 AM, we learn that Ernst Zündel has been arrested by the police. Weber is there. He’s trembling like a leaf. He tells me there can no longer be any question of holding the scheduled conference. I object, saying the arrest of our mutual friend makes it an obligation for us to stay the course. He trembles even more and, overcome with fear, stammers: “But, but, but, Robert, we are revisionists; we are not Zundelists!”

He entreats me to drop the whole thing, saying we’ll all be arrested. The tears well up in his eyes. We go down into the hotel’s main salon where confusion reigns among the revisionists. The supposed organiser of the meeting, Ewald Althans, has a rather vacant look about him. We’ll learn much later that he was working for the police, who had bought him! I try to take charge of things. I declare that the conference must go ahead at all costs. I add that, since Ernst is now in jail, we must take the risk of joining him there. “Ah!,” David Irving tells me, “but I have no desire at all to go to jail!”

Happily, Leuchter supports my proposal. The assembly decides that the conference will be held. As the police have closed the museum where it was supposed to take place, it takes place outside, in front of the museum and in the cold. There we group together with our sympathisers, some of whom have travelled a very long way. The speeches will be brief, except for that of a German lawyer who gets somewhat worked up giving a long talk before a small, chilly crowd.

3. In 1993, in Washington, Weber states that “maybe” the gas chambers existed

It was on April 20, 1993, with a little incident in Washington, that I began to harbour doubts about Weber’s revisionist convictions. He’d suggested we meet for dinner at a Chinese restaurant with some people who regularly got together once a week to talk about current affairs. The Holocaust Memorial Museum was just opening. Thus the occasion came up for me to discuss the revisionist argumentation with these people.

There were ten of us around the table. To start off, I wanted to have each one’s opinion on the question of the “gas chambers.” “Did the Nazi gas chambers ever exist?” I asked each person, one by one, beginning at my left and going on clockwise, to answer the question with a “Yes,” a “No” or a “Maybe.” The first four all answered “Yes.” The fifth, a young woman, ventured a “No” but only half-heartedly. The sixth person at the table was Mark Weber. Twisting in his chair, he answered: “Maybe” and the others coldly answered “Yes.” I announced that my own answer was: “No, definitely not,” and firmly spelled out my reasons.

Then, disgusted by the way Weber had deserted the cause, I barely touched my dinner. Afterwards we were outside, he and I, walking back in silence to Georgetown and the home of Andrew Gray, our host. When turning in, I took leave of Weber with an ironical: “Good night, Mr. Maybe.”

The next day, he spontaneously offered his excuses, telling me he should never have answered as he did the evening before.

Just then the telephone rang: a reporter from a local Black community radio station wanted to ask Weber some questions about the Holocaust Memorial Museum. And there, with the opportunity arising for him to show the extent to which that museum was amassing pure lies, notably on the “gas chambers,” Weber was content merely to denounce what he called “distortions by the museum” and gave just one example of these, an almost trivial one: the story, in fact wholly untrue, of the Dachau camp’s alleged liberation by Blacks.

Once the conversation was over I rebuked him for his faint-heartedness, but he retorted that that was the way to go about things, meaning that with journalists it was best to be diplomatic if you wanted to be in good graces with them. Therefore he’d talked to his journalist neither about “genocide” nor “gas chambers,” nor Auschwitz, nor any of a score of other holocaustic lies. I’ll note here that in general Weber is an atrocious debater, careful as he is to ingratiate himself with the opponent or the master of ceremonies, sometimes even to the point where one may wonder what side he’s on.

4. From 1994 to 2002, Weber sinks into inaction

I could cite other anecdotes that are just as significant. Weber is a man of amiable company, there’s no nastiness about him, and one can generally trust what he writes in the way of history. He expresses himself with caution and moderation, backing up what he says with sources and references, without seeking to show off his knowledge and in comprehensible language but also, as must be admitted, in a rather limp style, with a school-like scent to it.

He lacks subtlety. Moreover, he’s a waverer. And at the IHR office, spending hours on the telephone, he impedes the work of his colleagues with the volume of his endless conversations. He has never published, either in English or any other language, a book or collection of articles, and, in particular, no one has yet seen the manuscript of the work he was at one time fixing to bring out under the title – a provisional one – The Final Solution: Legend and Reality.

Up to a certain point I have happened to sympathise with him in view of his lot. The life of a revisionist is made up of so many trials, disappointments and repeated failures that it’s hard not to subside into pessimism. At times the temptation to abandon such a perilous cause is strong. At the period in question, revisionism was of course not in a state of crisis, thanks especially to the heroic struggle of Ernst Zündel, then, much later, thanks to the unbelievable energy of Germar Rudolf; yet the IHR, led by Weber, was worse and worse off.

The story of the near-wrecking of our institute is too well known for me to go into it here. Try as they might, Ted O’Keefe and Greg Raven, each in his turn, found it impossible to keep things on an even keel. To begin with, Weber’s inaction left them totally disconcerted They couldn’t understand either the man or his conduct. For my part, it was at the lamentable international congress of June 2002 that I grasped that, under Weber’s sway, the IHR was perhaps heading towards a gradual abandonment of “Holocaust” revisionism. On July 9, 2002, Butz wrote a critique, with a title descriptively asking “Quo Vadis?,” examining the mission of IHR and the implications of O’Keefe’s sacking. The message was directed to the IHR staff, board, and editorial advisory committee members only. In any case, that congress was the last and, subsequently, from 2003 till now, Weber was to prove incapable of organising an international conference worthy of the name. Butz finally resigned in January 2003, mainly over productivity issues, but also raising objections to the intellectual content of the Journal.

5. In 2003, I call on Weber to explain himself. He sidesteps. I submit my resignation

When I thought I sensed Weber might be about to give up the revisionist fight, I wanted to be clear in my own mind about it. I asked him to reply to me frankly. At first I did so gently, with delicacy, then with a certain insistence and, finally, curtly. But he went on continually dodging the issue and, invoking our long-standing friendship, said he was surprised at my questions.

No longer putting up with this, I summoned him in writing to answer me clearly and briefly: did he by any chance believe in the “Nazi gas chambers” and in a policy of physical extermination of the Jews? On December 15, 2003, he ended up replying: “I do not like to say that ‘the Nazi gas chambers never existed,’ in part because I do not regard myself as any kind of specialist of ‘gas chambers,’ and in part because I avoid making such categorical statements (on any subject).” Shortly before he had stated on an American radio talk-show: “I do not deny the Holocaust happened.”

On December 17th I therefore sent him a message asking him to remove my name from the IHR’s Editorial Advisory Committee. The following day G. Rudolf, who’d received a copy of my message, told me of his full approval. He had long been a strident critic of Weber’s performance. On the 19th, after informing me that he regretfully accepted my resignation, Weber sought to justify himself in a pitiful and fallacious manner on which I shall not dwell here.

Other revisionists also expressed their strong disapproval of Weber’s conduct. At the time Paul Grubach had not shrunk from writing: “Mark Weber is to be congratulated […]. I now understand his position, which is fine with this Holocaust revisionist […]. Let it suffice to say that Mark Weber is one of the world’s most important Revisionist scholars,” but he was later to become disenchanted, condemning the director of the IHR in the severest terms.

6. Remarks I made to set the record straight on December 22, 2003

More of the exchange of Dec. 2003, parts of which are reproduced below, is reproduced here. On December 22, 2003, I sent Weber the following message:

I shall briefly sum up for you what, precisely, our recent exchange of correspondence has been. For greater clarity, I find myself obliged to emphasize certain words of this exchange, although I do not care for the practice. You will see that, contrary to what you venture to say, the letter that I sent you and made public on 17 December [2003] was neither “misleading” nor “unfair.” You will also see, at the end of this reply, that you have made a monumental muddle of a text of mine of which you quote a very brief fragment; by so doing, you have been “misleading” or “unfair” or both. In conclusion, I will show that this controversy may in the end lead to a heartening prospect for the future of revisionism.

My question of 17 December was: “Tell me whether or not you SAY, as I myself have so clearly STATED for so many years, that the alleged Nazi GAS CHAMBERS and the alleged Nazi GAS VANS never EXISTED.” The question was clear: it focused 1) on what you SAY or STATE, 2) on the very EXISTENCE, 3) of the alleged Nazi GAS CHAMBERS, 4) and of the alleged Nazi GAS VANS.

Instead of answering this question directly, you wrote back: “I don’t believe the claims about the alleged Nazi gas chambers.” That act of faith was not what I was looking for. Effectively, whereas I was waiting to see what you, as a historian, would SAY or STATE, you answered by what you DIDN’T BELIEVE. Then, you asserted that you did not BELIEVE in CLAIMS, a particularly vague word; the remark may mean that you refuse to believe certain statements concerning the said gas chambers, but not necessarily all such statements; the choice of the word “CLAIMS” may mean that you call into question certain aspects of the story of the Nazi gas chambers (their number, location, performance) but not necessarily the affirmation of their existence itself. Finally, with such a sentence you do not, as all may see, breathe a word of the “gas vans.”

Noting that with so vague a sentence you had not gone into the subject, I did not feel the need to deal with it in my letter itself, but in the accompanying message, addressed to Jean Plantin, Yvonne Schleiter and Arthur Butz at the same time as to you, I plainly told you: “I did not ask for your ‘beliefs’ (?) about ‘claims’ (?) and, moreover, you do not mention the Nazi gas vans.”

Nor did I deal with your prologue regarding at once Dachau, Mauthausen, Hartheim and your “limited” knowledge of technical and chemical matters. As is my habit, I went straight to the heart of the matter and so it was that, leaving to one side everything of the order of more or less trifling preliminary remarks, I extracted from your response the lone sentence that constituted an answer, FINALLY, to the question put. And that answer was as follows: “I do not like to say that the ‘Nazi gas chambers never existed,’ in part because I do not regard myself as any kind of specialist of ‘gas chambers,’ and in part because I avoid making such categorical statements.”

I think it useless here to run once more through the remarks that such a pitiful answer inspires me to make. It is typical of what I call “spineless Revisionism.” At the 2002 conference, I protested against this form of revisionism and suggested that, in future, revisionists come out fighting. I find comical the insistence of some revisionist “researchers” on still looking into “the problem of the gas chambers.” We are not about to carry on this way till the end of time killing what has already, on the commonsense level, been “overkilled.” But with our “researchers” the corpse of the “Nazi gas chambers or vans” is buried, then exhumed to be put in a coffin into which one more nail is driven. The role of an Institute like the IHR ought to be to come out with a formal assertion, one requiring neither technical nor chemical expertise but rather of the simplest kind: For more than half a century, Germany’s accusers have in the end revealed their inability to let us see a single specimen of the alleged weapons of mass destruction that the Nazis are said to have designed, built or used for “the Destruction of the European Jews” (Raul Hilberg).

Whatever you do, don’t moan that: “Given that you have not pressed me for my view on Nazi gas chambers during the past ten years or so, I don’t understand why you have been pressing me on this in recent weeks.” In reality, you know perfectly well that there has been this point of discord between us for quite a long time. I have reminded you of the instance at which you and I confronted one another on it ten years ago in Washington. There was also, though you seem not to remember, another instance, over the telephone, on the subject of a statement of yours during a talk-show on a Black radio station. And I am not the only one to deplore Mark Weber’s shilly-shallying with regard to the gas chambers. I can recall Fritz Berg rightly complaining of your dodging the question. Carlos Porter also seems to find you are dancing around. I myself have had to approach you more than once in order to get you to respond. And now, finally, that your response is known, it is understandable why you have tried to dodge an irksome question. But, is it normal, Mark Weber, to conceal from the IHR’s readers, members, dues-paying supporters that their editor perhaps refuses, to a certain degree, to BELIEVE a lie and a historic slander but DOES NOT LIKE to have to say so? How many people imagine that for the Editor of the Journal of Historical Review a proper reply to that slander is: “I do not like to say that ‘the Nazi gas chambers never existed’”?

During the above-mentioned talk-show, you stated: “I do not deny the Holocaust happened but …” I immediately told you how deadly wrong it was to make such a CONCESSION to The Big Lie and Defamation. You retort now that in 1991 I myself declared: “Revisionists do not deny the genocide and the gas chambers.” There you make a fine muddle. I said then, on the contrary, that by the acceptance of the word “deny” an untoward CONCESSION was made to the liars. I give you below the full text of my remark, which was published under the altogether unambiguous title “AFFIRMATION, NOT DENIAL”:

A reminder: Revisionists do not deny the genocide and the gas chambers. This is a MISCONCEPTION. Galileo didn’t deny that the earth was stationary; he AFFIRMED, at the conclusion of his research, that the earth was not stationary, but that it rotated on its axis and revolved around the sun. In the same way, the revisionists, after concluding their own research, AFFIRM that there was no genocide and no gas chambers, and that the “final solution of the Jewish question” consisted of the removal of the Jews from Europe – by emigration if possible, and by deportation if necessary. – The revisionists strive to establish what happened; they are positive while the exterminationists doggedly continue to tell us about things which didn’t happen: their work is negative. – The Revisionists stand for the reconciliation of the antagonists in the recognition of what really happened. (The Journal of Historical Review, January-February 1999, p. 21).

In other words, I make with that remark the opposite of a CONCESSION. In a general way, not only do I expose the enthusiasts of the Big Lie for what they are, but I also refuse to borrow their least turn of phrase. The revisionists must show themselves to be candid, unbending and without CONCESSION. The time for CONCESSIONS is over […]. It is pitiful when the head of an institute of revisionist studies is reduced to confessing: “I do not like to say that the Nazi gas chambers never existed.” It is regrettable that he should have concealed that attitude up to now and that only my insistence on getting an answer on the subject made him come out with it. It is a pity that, seeking to vindicate his position, he wrongly accused me of having been “misleading and unfair.” It is lamentable that in the dispute with me he should bring up a text of mine whose meaning he distorts to the point of turning it entirely around.

But it is heartening to see that I am now far from alone in denouncing a revisionism that has had its day and in advocating a new revisionism, more clear-cut, straightforward, vigorous and able, for a start, to put it to the upholders of the Big Lie that “The best proof that your Nazi gas chambers and your Nazi gas vans did not exist any more than your Jewish soap, your lampshades of human skin and so much other nonsense of a vile war propaganda is that, more than fifty years after that war, your ‘scientific experts’ are, more than ever, unable to show them to us.”

This new revisionism, which demands character, calls for young and spirited men.

7. In 2008, his progressive abandonment of revisionism is confirmed

In 2007, Fritz Berg, Bradley Smith and other revisionists again asked Weber to explain himself, but to no avail.

On August 16, 2008, Weber gave a talk near Baltimore entitled “In the Struggle for Peace and Justice: Countering Jewish-Zionist Power”. Not for an instant did he mention the number one weapon of that power, that is, the lie of “the Holocaust”! I exhibited my surprise and asked him to provide some enlightenment. He did not answer.

I wrote him again. On September 2 he sent me an answer that wasn’t one. I wrote to him yet again with my request. Then it was that he answered me with the following two sentences: “In my presentation at the conference on August 16, I did not speak about ‘the Holocaust’ because that was not the subject or the point of my address. When Dr. Siddique invited me to the conference, he asked me to give an address similar to earlier ones that he himself had heard or read.”

The latter sentence informs us, incidentally, that this hadn’t been our conference speaker’s first such skirting of the question: as one can see, he had already in the past deliberately adopted the practice of excluding from his talks all trace of any dispute of “the Holocaust.” I then replied: “Pitiful. It was a point of your address. Obviously. Necessarily. In the first place why did you [till now] avoid giving me those ‘explanations’?”

On September 9, 2008, Weber published “A Zionist Smear: The ADL Attacks an Islamic Peace Conference.” On the 16th, I consequently sent him the following new request for clarification:

More than ever I need some clarification about your position on “the Holocaust.” I am not the only one seeking this clarification.

On reading your September 9, 2008 piece “A Zionist Smear: The ADL Attacks an Islamic Peace Conference,” anyone, I suppose, would infer that, for a certain man called Mark Weber, the Institute for Historical Review (IHR) was not a “Holocaust denial organization” and that it was even a “smear” to say such a thing. To say such a thing would be “at variance with the facts,” indeed “completely at variance.” In that text M. Weber considers himself a “responsible scholar of twentieth century history” and seems to consider that the IHR is an entity made up, partly or wholly, of other such responsible scholars (Faurisson being one of them?). He also seems to define “the Holocaust” as “the [– definite article –] great catastrophe [– in Hebrew, “Shoa”? –] that befell European Jewry during World War II.” Then M. Weber points out that, in his recent talk outside Baltimore, he mentioned the deaths of Jews during that great catastrophe in quoting from a speech by someone else to the effect that “the Europeans killed six million Jews out of twelve million.” In doing so, M. Weber, who is a responsible scholar, seems to think it worthwhile to mention that assertion and those figures without criticising them in any way.

Mark, as you’ll surely have noticed, I’ve used the word “seems” so many times because I need some clarifications. In order to get them, I request that you let me put a few questions:

1 - Do you believe that “the Europeans killed six million Jews out of twelve million”?; if not, please tell me what your own opinion is concerning both the word “killed” and the figures of “six” and “twelve million.”

2 - Do you believe that the Germans decided on and planned a physical destruction of the European Jews? (“the specific crime”).

3 - Do you believe in the existence and the use by the Germans of homicidal gas chambers or gas vans? (“the specific weapons of the specific crime”).

Please, make an effort really to address these questions and, for example, please avoid coming down with arguments such as: “How is it that you’ve waited till now to ask such questions?” or: “But, Robert, the IHR website is publishing papers like yours!” In our recent exchange on the matter, your replies were not clear and my last message was left unanswered.

So that you don’t believe I am alone among the revisionists in thinking there is a real problem with your being the head of a revisionist publication or website, allow me to tell you that, before drafting this very message, I asked a few people whether they had the slightest idea what your exact convictions were on the core of “the Holocaust.” One of these was Ted O’Keefe. Let me quote him here (with his express permission), from September 15, 2008:

By now I’ve received and read all of your emails on the latest with Mark. I agree that he has shamefully sidestepped the questions of whether the Holocaust as defined by the Jews took place, and the importance of the Holocaust imposture in the Jews’ propaganda and policies.

As I made public in 2002, Mark has long been impotent to advance the program for which the IHR was founded and sustained.

I can now add that by his lawyerly evasions and cowardly omissions he continues to squander what’s left of the IHR’s intellectual and moral capital, and to betray the sacrifices made not only by revisionists such as you and Ernst Zuendel and Germar Rudolf, but also by the numerous supporters of the Institute over the years.

8. Is he taking us for fools?

On September 23, 2008, I received in the mail a sheet with the IHR letterhead signed by Weber and entitled “A Productive Summer.” It was a letter calling for donations. Rarely can such a misnomer of a title have been seen anywhere. The text told of talks, interviews, meetings, shows, broadcasts but all bearing no relation to the “Holocaust” lie. It reported on a “memorable IHR meeting on June 14 [2008],” but the only two participants at that meeting were Irving and Weber. The former told of “his harrowing arrest in Austria, his sensational trial in Vienna, and his 13-months’ imprisonment there. He also spoke about wartime Germany’s harsh treatment of Jews, presenting a view of ‘the Holocaust’ similar to the one he laid out years ago in the first edition of his book, Hitler’s War.

However, Irving has never in his life really disputed “the Holocaust” and especially not in the first edition of that book of his. He is at the very most but a “reluctant revisionist,” often changing his mind on a matter that he at times admits to not having studied. He sometimes even happens to utter abominations on the subject of the German people that are worthy of Daniel Jonah Goldhagen. As for the other speaker, himself, Weber wrote: “In my talk, I took aim at the American national mythology about World War II. I spoke about two new books about the war, by Patrick Buchanan and by Nicholson Baker, praising them as important antidotes to the familiar, much propagandized portrayal of the conflict.” Here it’s seen that on this occasion Weber did not bring up what was always the IHR’s raison d’être and primary vocation: the revising of the “Holocaust” myth.

9. A lie to end with?

In January 2009, then, he published the bit entitled “How Relevant is Holocaust Revisionism?” about which I’ve already said a few words in the beginning lines of this article. Just about every paragraph of the piece, a typical Weber text in its style, would call for some severe remarks and rectifications. I shall refrain from making any, however, and dwell on one point and one point alone where it seems to me I’ve caught Weber in the act, an act of dishonesty. He wrote:

A major reason for the lack of success in persuading people that conventional Holocaust accounts are fraudulent or exaggerated is that – as revisionists acknowledge – Jews in Europe were, in fact, singled out during the war years for especially severe treatment.

This was confirmed, for example, by German propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels in these confidential entries in his wartime diary:

Feb. 14, 1942: “The Führer [Hitler] once again expresses his resolve ruthlessly to clear the Jews out of Europe. There must be no squeamish sentimentalism about it. The Jews have deserved the catastrophe that they are now experiencing. Their destruction will go hand in hand with the destruction of our enemies. We must hasten this process with cold ruthlessness.”

March 27, 1942: “The Jews are now being deported to the East from the Generalgouvernement [Poland], starting around Lublin. The procedure is a pretty barbaric one and not to be described here more definitely, and there’s not much left of the Jews. By and large, one can say that 60 percent of them will have to be liquidated, while only 40 percent can be put to work. The former Gauleiter of Vienna, who is carrying out the operation, is proceeding quite judiciously, using a method that is not all too conspicuous. The Jews are facing a judgment which, while barbaric, they fully deserve. The prophecy the Führer made about them for having brought on a new world war is beginning to come true in the most terrible manner. One must not be sentimental in these matters.”

April 29, 1942: “Short shrift is being made of the Jews in all eastern occupied territories. Tens of thousands of them are being wiped out.”

No informed person disputes that Europe’s Jews did, in fact, suffer a great catastrophe during the Second World War. Millions were forced from their homes and deported to brutal internment in crowded ghettos and camps. Jewish communities across Central and Eastern Europe, large and small, were wiped out. Millions lost their lives. When the war ended in 1945, most of the Jews of Germany, Poland, the Netherlands and others countries were gone.

Given all this, it should not be surprising that even well-founded revisionist arguments are often dismissed as heartless quibbling.

We’ve read correctly: according to Weber, during World War II “millions [of Jews] lost their lives.” What right has this man of ours to come out with that estimate in figures? Where exactly in the holocaustic literature is any proof of what he puts forth here to be found? Where, in his own writings, had he ever said and proved it?

But that’s not all. His exploitation here of those excerpts from Goebbels’s diary is stupefying. The Propaganda Minister’s comments bear the stamp of a National-Socialist propagandist’s phraseology, and are on the subject of events in which he had no personal part, no direct responsibility and of which he, in Berlin, had merely heard talk. In Toronto in 1988, during the second Zündel trial, Weber, at his end, had above all stated that according to him there was “a great doubt about the authenticity of the entire Goebbels diaries,” and had insisted on the fact that the contents of the March 27, 1942 note were particularly suspect. These were his very words under oath:

The later entry, which I think is the 27th of March [1942], is widely quoted to uphold or support the extermination thesis. It is not consistent with entries in the diary like this one of March 7th, and it is not consistent with entries at a later date from the Goebbels diaries, and it is not consistent with German documents from a later date.

[…] there is a great doubt about the authenticity of the entire Goebbels diaries because they are written on typewriter. We have no real way of verifying if they are accurate, and the U.S. Government certified, in the beginning of the publication, […] that it can take no responsibility for the accuracy of the diaries as a whole.

[…] I think again it is worth mentioning that the passage of the 27th of March is inconsistent with the passage of the 7th of March and the one from April, and I don’t remember the date exact (Transcript, p. 5820-5821). Goebbels had no responsibility for Jewish policy. He wasn’t involved in that. He was the Propaganda Minister. He was involved only to the extent that there were Jews in Berlin and he was responsible for Berlin (p. 5822-5823).

How can Weber today invoke a wholly doubtful document and, in that document, a passage that is particularly suspect? Is it because at some time between 1988 and 2009 he completely changed his mind on these points? If so, when did he ever advise us of the change, and what were the reasons for such a turn-around?

10. A sorry case

In former times I’d have taken the trouble to write to Weber in order to put these questions to him, but experience has taught me, as one can see, that he’s a man who shirks requests for explanation, or else cheats in his answers.

Destiny has now punished him for such behaviour. It was in December 2008 that Weber wrote his “How Relevant is Holocaust Revisionism?” In that text, he dared to assert that these days “the Holocaust imagery of the 1940s is less potent because it’s less relevant,” adding that, from now on, “Holocaust revisionism cannot play a central role” or even, as we’ve seen above, that “Holocaust revisionism has proved to be as much a hindrance as a help.”

However, hardly had Weber written those words when “Holocaust” revisionism was to make a spectacular return onto the world stage. It was, in fact, at the very end of December 2008 and in January 2009 that there hatched what historians may perhaps one day see as the start of a revisionist revival. Preceded by the Dieudonné affair and followed by the Abrahamowicz affair, the Williamson affair, whatever its eventual conclusion, will have brilliantly highlighted that “Holocaust revisionism” is very much alive and that the grounds on which the religion of the alleged Nazi gas chambers and the alleged genocide of the Jews stands are extraordinarily weak.

There was a way to reply publicly to Mgr Richard Williamson. It would have been enough to show us on television a single gas chamber or a single document allowing all to see just what such a weapon of mass destruction might look like. However, he has not been answered with any photograph, technical drawing, document or anything of the kind. Instead, he’s been deposed, had insults heaped upon him, told to go to hell, threatened with legal proceedings and prison, and put on notice to confess his error.

But the height of his enemies’ misfortune and, for the traditionalist Catholic he is, an irony of fate as well, is that if ever he did fall to his knees before the new Inquisition he would immediately remind everyone of Galileo, the man whom science and history ended up acknowledging to be right despite his abjuration. Even if he wound up losing, Richard Williamson would thus have won, and history along with him.

As for Mark Weber, he has disgraced himself. He has proved that he possesses neither the clear-sightedness, nor the will, nor the courage needed to lead, at the head of the IHR, the tough struggle that today has started up again so forcefully, that of “Holocaust revisionism.” He must therefore resign from the IHR.

February 10, 2009
Final proofing 23 March
Published 3 April 2009 in Smith’s Report #160

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Mark Weber doit démissionner de l’Institute for Historical Review



Mark Weber doit démissionner de l’Institute for Historical Review, quitte à fonder de son côté, s’il lui plaît, un organisme de lutte contre ce qu’il appelle « the Jewish-Zionist power ». Il vient, en effet, de nous annoncer à mots couverts son abandon sinon du révisionnisme, du moins du combat révisionniste ; il n’a donc plus sa place à la tête d’un institut dont la vocation première est de lutter contre ce qu’Arthur R. Butz appelle si justement The Hoax of the Twentieth Century. M. Weber, qui est un couard, sait qu’il n’y a pas trop de danger à dénoncer le « Jewish-Zionist power » puisque, aussi bien, même des juifs et des sionistes s’en prennent quelquefois à ce pouvoir-là ; en revanche, il a aussi pleine conscience de ce qu’il est hautement dangereux de porter la moindre atteinte à la vache sacrée des juifs et des sionistes, à leur suprême tabou, c’est-à-dire à leur religion séculière de « l’Holocauste » et, ce risque-là, il ne veut plus le courir.
Le texte qu’il a intitulé « How Relevant is Holocaust Revisionism ? » porte la date de « janvier 2009 » sans précision de jour, mais je suppose qu’il a été achevé à la fin de décembre 2008. Il a été provoqué par les demandes de plus en plus pressantes qu’il m’a fallu, des années durant, adresser au directeur de l’IHR pour savoir enfin si, oui ou non, il croyait au « génocide des juifs » et aux « chambres à gaz nazies ». Ma première demande d’éclaircissement remonte au 20 avril 1993 (!) et les deux dernières datent du 16 septembre et du 2 décembre 2008. Pour me limiter à la dernière en date de ces demandes, je lui posais les deux questions suivantes : 1) Croyez-vous que les Allemands ont décidé et planifié une destruction physique des juifs d’Europe ? (« le crime spécifique ») ; 2) Croyez-vous en l’existence et en l’utilisation par les Allemands de chambres à gaz ou de camions à gaz homicides ? (« les armes spécifiques du crime spécifique »). Pendant quinze ans, au lieu de me répondre franchement, M. Weber a accumulé les faux-fuyants et les dérobades. Je suppose qu’au reçu de ma demande du 2 décembre 2008 il a senti que ma patience était à bout et que j’allais rendre public son refus obstiné de toute clarification. Il lui fallait donc prendre les devants et s’expliquer publiquement sur la question du révisionnisme. C’est ce qu’il tente de faire dans ce texte daté de « janvier 2009 » mais je constate qu’une fois de plus, il tente de se dérober. Les questions que je lui posais revenaient à dire : « Etes-vous vraiment révisionniste ? » Or le voilà qui déclare que le révisionnisme lui-même n’est guère « relevant », ce qui, je suppose, signifie que celui-ci est « sans grand intérêt ». Il conclut que le révisionnisme est certes encore « a worthy endeavor » ; il ajoute cependant : « But there should be no illusions about its social-political relevance. In the real world struggle against Jewish-Zionist power, Holocaust revisionism has proved to be as much a hindrance as a help ». Voilà une remarquable nouvelle ! De la bouche même de celui qui, depuis 1995 dirige l’Institute for Historical Review, nous apprenons soudainement que ledit institut va désormais se consacrer en priorité à la lutte contre le judéo-sionisme et que, dans ce nouveau combat, selon M. Weber, le révisionnisme est, en soi, aussi « irrelevant » que « relevant ». Il va jusqu’à ajouter que, dans le combat auquel il entend désormais se consacrer, le révisionnisme sera à considérer au moins en partie comme une « hindrance »,! Je me félicite d’avoir enfin ainsi obtenu, de M. Weber en personne, la révélation d’un secret que jusqu’ici il nous cachait. Certes, une fois de plus, il esquive mes questions mais au moins l’aurai-je, non sans mal, contraint à se démasquer et à proclamer qu’il renonce au combat révisionniste en tant que tel.
1. De 1979 à 1989, il m’a donné l’impression d’être révisionniste
C’est en 1979 que j’ai fait la connaissance de M. Weber. Il m’avait alors hébergé à son domicile d’Arlington et il m’avait aidé dans mes recherches aux National Archives, soit à Washington DC, soit à Suitland (Maryland). Pour sa part, à l’époque, il me disait avoir entamé des recherches sur « l’Holocauste » et, en particulier, à la fois sur les photographies aériennes d’Auschwitz et sur les Einsatzgruppen. Je découvrais en lui un chercheur doté de qualités intellectuelles et aussi un homme qui, tout en affichant de vigoureuses convictions d’extrême droite, me paraissait sans caractère. Il me semblait même que, s’il admirait la force ou l’énergie, c’est parce qu’il était personnellement faible, timoré, hésitant. Par contraste, son compatriote Arthur R. Butz, dont j’avais fait la connaissance à Paris quelques années auparavant et que je retrouvais cette année-là aux Etats-Unis, me paraissait, lui, doté non seulement d’exceptionnelles qualités intellectuelles mais d’un solide caractère.
Encore en 1988, M. Weber était apparemment révisionniste ; à ce titre, il avait porté témoignage sous serment en qualité d’expert au procès Zündel de Toronto ; mais, dans les années qui ont suivi, devant les difficultés croissantes rencontrées par le révisionnisme, il m’a semblé perdre courage, ce qui pouvait se comprendre. C’est à cette époque qu’il aurait dû, en conscience, quitter le navire révisionniste au vu et au su de tous. Malheureusement, il a préféré conserver son poste au sein de l’IHR et, à partir de 1995, les émoluments afférant à son titre de directeur. Il s’est dès lors condamné à jouer une sorte de double jeu. A ses abonnés et à ses collaborateurs il a laissé croire qu’il poursuivait le combat révisionniste mais, dans la réalité, il commençait déjà à saborder le vaisseau qui lui avait été confié.
En 1989, il a voulu nous accompagner, Fred Leuchter et moi, dans notre examen de Dachau, de Mauthausen et de Hartheim. Il a été fortement impressionné par le caractère de notre enquête, semblable en bien des points aux méthodes de la police technique (sur place) et scientifique (en laboratoire). Mais la vérité oblige à dire qu’il s’est aussi, en plus d’une occasion, montré si plein d’effroi qu’en Allemagne j’ai songé : « Nous avons là un révisionniste en peau de lapin, qui pourrait bien nous abandonner en cas de sérieuse difficulté ». Souvent je l’ai vu blêmir au spectacle de notre hardiesse et, en particulier, lorsqu’il lui arrivait d’entendre F. Leuchter qui, non sans quelque fracas, prélevait à coups de burin des fragments de mur des prétendues « chambres à gaz » homicides ; ces quelques fragments, qui lui tombaient aux pieds, F. Leuchter prenait le temps, un masque de protection sur la figure, de les ramasser scrupuleusement ; si un garde était survenu à cet instant, nous pouvions nous retrouver en état d’arrestation. Il fallait en courir le risque mais M. Weber, pour sa part, en claquait des dents. J’en étais confus pour lui.
2. En 1991, à Munich, je découvre son effroi devant le combat révisionniste
La scène se passe le 23 mars 1991 dans un hôtel de Munich où Ernst Zündel a donné rendez-vous aux révisionnistes pour le « Leuchter Kongress ». Personnellement, j’arrive de Paris où, la veille et l’avant-veille, j’ai dû, au palais de justice de Paris, affronter des kommandos juifs qui ont attaqué et blessé un certain nombre d’entre nous. J’ai été personnellement blessé et, à mon entrée dans le prétoire, j’ai reçu des crachats. Les deux journées ont été rudes. Sorti du tribunal à une heure tardive de la nuit, je m’engouffre dans une voiture conduite par un beau-frère qui se trouve être un excellent chauffeur et qui, roulant à tombeau ouvert, nous amène de Paris à Munich, où nous arrivons vers 5h du matin. Je n’ai pas fermé l’œil de la nuit et je veux prendre quelque repos dans ma chambre d’hôtel. A 7h, nous apprenons qu’Ernst Zündel a été arrêté par la police. M. Weber est là. Il tremble comme une feuille. Il me dit qu’il ne peut plus être question de tenir le congrès prévu. Je lui objecte que l’arrestation de notre ami commun nous fait une obligation de maintenir le cap. Il tremble de plus belle et, bouleversé, me lance dans un bégaiement : « But, but, but, Robert, we are Revisionists ; we are not Zundelists ! ». Il me supplie de renoncer et me dit que nous allons tous être arrêtés. Les larmes lui viennent aux yeux. Nous descendons dans la grande salle de l’hôtel, où la confusion règne parmi les révisionnistes. L’organisateur supposé de la rencontre, Ewald Althans, est comme absent ; nous apprendrons beaucoup plus tard qu’il travaillait pour la police, qui l’avait acheté ! Je tente de prendre l’affaire en mains. Je déclare que le congrès doit avoir lieu à tout prix. J’ajoute que, puisque Ernst est en prison, nous devons prendre le risque d’aller l’y rejoindre. « Ah ! » me lance David Irving « mais c’est que moi, je n’ai pas du tout envie d’aller en prison ! » Heureusement, F. Leuchter appuie ma proposition. L’assemblée décide que le congrès se tiendra. Comme la police nous a fermé les portes du musée où devait se tenir la réunion, c’est dehors, devant le musée et dans le froid, que nous nous groupons avec des sympathisants qui, parfois, sont venus de très loin. Les discours seront brefs sauf dans le cas d’un avocat allemand qui s’échauffera à tenir un long discours devant une petite foule frigorifiée. Mark Weber et David Irving se gardent bien de prendre la parole.
3. En 1993, à Washington, il déclare que les chambres à gaz ont « maybe » existé
C’est le 20 avril 1993, à l’occasion d’un incident survenu à Washington, que j’ai commencé à nourrir des doutes sur les convictions révisionnistes de M. Weber. Il m’avait proposé de rencontrer, lors d’un dîner dans un restaurant chinois, quelques personnes habituées à se réunir chaque semaine pour converser de divers sujets d’actualité. L’Holocaust Memorial Museum ouvrait ses portes. L’occasion se présentait donc pour moi d’entretenir ces personnes de l’argumentation révisionniste. Nous étions dix autour de la table. J’ai voulu, pour débuter, connaître les opinions de chacun sur la question des « chambres à gaz ». « Les chambres à gaz nazies ont-elles existé ? » : à chacun, à tour de rôle, de ma gauche à ma droite, j’ai demandé de répondre à cette question par « Yes », « No » ou « Maybe » . Les quatre premiers interrogés ont répondu « Oui ». La cinquième personne, une jeune femme, a osé un « Non » mais du bout des lèvres. La sixième personne à la table n’était autre que Mark Weber. Se tortillant sur sa chaise, il me répond : « Maybe » et les autres me répondront froidement « Oui ». J’annonce que ma propre réponse est : « Non, définitivement non » et j’expose fermement mes raisons. Puis, écoeuré par le lâchage de M. Weber, je touche à peine à mon dîner et nous voilà dehors regagnant tous deux, dans le silence, la demeure d’Andrew Gray, qui nous hébergeait dans la banlieue de Georgetown. Au moment de me retirer pour la nuit, je prends congé de M. Weber en l’appelant ironiquement : « Mister Maybe ». Le lendemain, il me présente spontanément ses excuses et me dit qu’il n’aurait jamais dû me faire la réponse qu’il m’avait faite la veille. Là-dessus le téléphone sonne ; un journaliste appartenant à une Black radio station désire poser des questions à M. Weber sur l’Holocaust Memorial Museum. Alors que l’occasion s’offre à ce dernier de montrer à quel point le musée accumule de purs mensonges, notamment sur les chambres à gaz, M. Weber se contente de dénoncer ce qu’il appelle des « distorsions du musée » et il n’en cite qu’un exemple, presque anodin : l’histoire, en effet mensongère, du camp de Dachau prétendument libéré par des Noirs. La conversation téléphonique achevée, je lui reproche sa pusillanimité mais il me rétorque que c’est ainsi qu’il faut procéder, entendant par là qu’avec les journalistes il convient de se montrer diplomate si l’on veut se concilier leurs bonnes grâces. Il n’a donc parlé à son journaliste, ni de « génocide », ni de « chambres à gaz », ni d’Auschwitz, ni de vingt autres mensonges holocaustiques. Je note à cette occasion qu’en général M. Weber est un exécrable débatteur tant il est soucieux de se concilier les bonnes grâces de l’adversaire ou du meneur de jeu ; c’est à se demander parfois de quel côté de la barre il se situe.
4. De 1994 à 2002, il sombre dans l’inaction
Je pourrais citer d’autres anecdotes tout aussi significatives. M. Weber est un homme d’aimable compagnie, il n’a pas de méchanceté et on peut généralement se fier à ce qu’il écrit en matière d’histoire. Il s’exprime avec prudence, modération, sources et références à l’appui, sans chercher à étaler sa science et dans une langue compréhensible mais aussi, il faut le reconnaître, dans un style plutôt mou et qui sent encore l’école. Il manque de subtilité. Par ailleurs, il est velléitaire. Au bureau de l’IHR, passant des heures au téléphone, il empêche, par le bruit de ses interminables conversations, ses collaborateurs de travailler. Il n’a jamais publié, ni en anglais ni en une autre langue, de livre ou de recueil d’articles et, en particulier, personne n’a encore vu le manuscrit de l’ouvrage qu’il se promettait de publier sous le titre – provisoire – de The Final Solution : Legend and Reality. Jusqu’à un certain point il m’est arrivé de compatir à son sort. La vie d’un révisionniste est faite de tant d’épreuves, de déceptions, d’échecs répétés qu’il est difficile de ne pas sombrer dans le pessimisme ; parfois grande est la tentation d’abandonner une cause aussi périlleuse. A l’époque, le révisionnisme n’est certes pas en crise, grâce, en particulier, au combat héroïque d’Ernst Zündel, puis, beaucoup plus tard, grâce à l’incroyable énergie de Germar Rudolf, mais l’IHR, lui, que dirige M. Weber se porte de plus en plus mal. L’histoire du quasi-naufrage de notre institut est trop connue pour que j’y revienne ici. A tour de rôle, Ted O’Keefe, puis Greg Raven ont eu beau faire, il leur a été impossible de redresser la barre durablement. Pour commencer, l’inaction de M. Weber les a totalement déconcertés. Ils ne parvenaient à s’expliquer ni l’homme ni son comportement. Pour ma part, c’est au lamentable congrès international de 2002 que j’ai compris que, sous l’impulsion de M. Weber, l’IHR s’acheminait peut-être vers un abandon progressif du révisionnisme de « l’Holocauste » . En tout cas, ce congrès a été le dernier et, par la suite, de 2003 à nos jours, M. Weber se montrera incapable d’organiser un congrès international digne de ce nom.
5. En 2003, je le somme de s’expliquer ; il se dérobe ; je donne ma démission
Lorsque j’ai cru sentir qu’il allait peut-être abandonner le combat révisionniste, j’ai voulu en avoir le cœur net. Je l’ai prié de me répondre avec franchise. Je l’ai d’abord fait avec ménagement et délicatesse, puis avec une certaine insistance et, enfin, avec netteté. Mais il a multiplié les faux-fuyants, protestant de notre vieille amitié et s’étonnant de mes questions. N’y tenant plus, je l’ai sommé par écrit de me répondre clairement et brièvement : croyait-il par hasard aux « chambres à gaz nazies » et à une politique d’extermination physique des juifs. Le 15 décembre 2003, il a fini par me répondre :« I do not like to say that ‘the Nazi gas chambers never existed’, in part because I do not regard myself as any kind of specialist of ‘gas chambers’, and in part because I avoid making such categorical statements (on any subject) ». Peu de temps auparavant he had stated on an American talk show : « I do not deny the Holocaust happened. »
Le 17 décembre, je lui ai envoyé un message pour lui demander en conséquence de retirer mon nom de l’Editorial Advisory Committee de l’IHR. Le lendemain, Germar Rudolf, qui avait reçu copie de mon message, m’exprimait sa pleine approbation. Le 19 décembre, après m’avoir fait savoir qu’il acceptait et déplorait ma démission, M. Weber a cherché à se justifier d’une manière pitoyable et fallacieuse sur laquelle je ne m’attarderai pas ici. D’autres révisionnistes ont également donné leur démission ou marqué leur vive désapprobation. Tel a été le cas d’Arthur. R. Butz ou de Germar Rudolf. A l’époque, Paul Grubach, pour sa part, n’avait pas craint d’écrire : « Mark Weber is to be congratulated […]. I now understand his position, which is fine with this Holocaust revisionist […] Let it suffice to say that Mark Weber is one of the world’s most important Revisionist scholars », mais, par la suite, il allait déchanter et condamner le directeur de l’IHR dans les termes les plus sévères.
6. Ma mise au point du 22 décembre 2003
Le 22 décembre 2003, j’envoie à M. Weber le message suivant :
I shall briefly sum up for you what, precisely, our recent exchange of correspondence has been. For greater clarity, I find myself obliged to emphasise certain words of this exchange, although I do not care for the practice. You will see that, contrary to what you venture to say, the letter that I sent you and made public on 17 December [2003] was neither “misleading” nor “unfair”. You will also see, at the end of this reply, that you have made a monumental muddle of a text of mine of which you quote a very brief fragment; by so doing, you have been “misleading” or “unfair” or both. In conclusion, I will show that this controversy may in the end lead to a heartening prospect for the future of revisionism.
My question of 17 December was: “Tell me whether or not you SAY, as I myself have so clearly STATED for so many years, that the alleged Nazi GAS CHAMBERS and the alleged Nazi GAS VANS never EXISTED”. The question was clear: it focused 1) on what you SAY or STATE, 2) on the very EXISTENCE, 3) of the alleged Nazi GAS CHAMBERS, 4) and of the alleged Nazi GAS VANS.
Instead of answering this question directly, you wrote back: “I don’t believe the claims about the alleged Nazi gas chambers”. That act of faith was not what I was looking for. Effectively, whereas I was waiting to see what you, as a historian, would SAY or STATE, you answered by what you DIDN’T BELIEVE. Then, you asserted that you did not BELIEVE in CLAIMS, a particularly vague word; the remark may mean that you refuse to believe certain statements concerning the said gas chambers, but not necessarily all such statements; the choice of the word “CLAIMS” may mean that you call into question certain aspects of the story of the Nazi gas chambers (their number, location, performance) but not necessarily the affirmation of their existence itself. Finally, with such a sentence you do not, as all may see, breathe a word of the “gas vans”
Noting that with so vague a sentence you had not gone into the subject, I did not feel the need to deal with it in my letter itself, but, in the accompanying message, addressed to Jean Plantin, Yvonne Schleiter and Arthur Butz at the same time as to you, I plainly told you: “I did not ask for your ‘beliefs’ (?) about ‘claims’ (?) and, moreover, you do not mention the Nazi gas vans”.
Nor did I deal with your prologue regarding at once Dachau, Mauthausen, Hartheim and your “limited” knowledge of technical and chemical matters. As is my habit, I went straight to the heart of the matter and so it was that, leaving to one side everything of the order of more or less trifling preliminary remarks, I extracted from your response the lone sentence that constituted an answer, FINALLY, to the question put. And that answer was as follows: “I do not like to say that the ‘Nazi gas chambers never existed’, in part because I do not regard myself as any kind of specialist of ‘gas chambers’ and in part because I avoid making such categorical statements.”
I think it useless here to run once more through the remarks that such a pitiful answer inspires me to make. It is typical of what I call “spineless Revisionism”. At the 2002 conference, I protested against this form of revisionism and suggested that, in future, revisionists come out fighting. I find comical the insistence of some revisionist “researchers” on still looking into “the problem of the gas chambers”. We are not about to carry on this way till the end of time killing what has already, on the commonsense level, been “overkilled”. But with our “researchers” the corpse of the “Nazi gas chambers or vans” is buried, then exhumed to be put in a coffin into which one more nail is driven. The role of an Institute like the IHR ought to be to come out with a formal assertion, one requiring neither technical nor chemical expertise but rather of the simplest kind: For more than half a century, Germany’s accusers have in the end revealed their inability to let us see a single specimen of the alleged weapons of mass destruction that the Nazis are said to have designed, built or used forthe Destruction of the European Jews” (Raul Hilberg).
Whatever you do, don’t moan that “Given that you have not pressed me for my view on Nazi gas chambers during the past ten years or so, I don’t understand why you have been pressing me on this in recent weeks”. In reality, you know perfectly well that there has been this point of discord between us for quite a long time. I have reminded you of the instance at which you and I confronted one another on it ten years ago in Washington. There was also, though you seem not to remember, another instance, over the telephone, on the subject of a statement of yours during a talk-show on a Black radio station. And I am not the only one to deplore Mark Weber’s shilly-shallying with regard to the gas chambers. I can recall Fritz Berg rightly complaining of your dodging the question. Carlos Porter also seems to find you are dancing around. I myself have had to approach you more than once in order to get you to respond. And now, finally, that your response is known, it is understandable why you have tried to dodge an irksome question. But, is it normal, Mark Weber, to conceal from the IHR’s readers, members, dues-paying supporters that their editor perhaps refuses, to a certain degree, to BELIEVE a lie and a historic slander but DOES NOT LIKE to have to say so? How many people imagine that for the Editor of the Journal of Historical Review a proper reply to that slander is: “I do not like to say that ‘the Nazis gas chambers never existed’”?
During the above-mentioned talk-show, you stated: “I do not deny the Holocaust happened but …” I immediately told you how deadly wrong it was to make such a CONCESSION to The Big Lie and Defamation. You retort now that in 1991 I myself declared: “Revisionists do not deny the genocide and the gas chambers”. There you make a fine muddle. I said then, on the contrary, that by the acceptance of the word “deny” an untoward CONCESSION was made to the liars. I give you below the full text of my remark, that was published under the altogether unambiguous title “AFFIRMATION, NOT DENIAL”:
A reminder: Revisionists do not deny the genocide and the gas chambers. This is a MISCONCEPTION. Galileo didn’t deny that the earth was stationary; he AFFIRMED, at the conclusion of his research, that the earth was not stationary, but that it rotated on its axis and revolved around the sun. In the same way, the revisionists, after concluding their own research, AFFIRM that there was no genocide and no gas chambers, and that the « final solution of the Jewish question » consisted of the removal of the Jews from Europe – by emigration if possible, and by deportation if necessary. – The revisionists strive to establish what happened ; they are positive while the exterminationists doggedly continue to tell us about things which didn’t happen : their work is negative. – The Revisionists stand for the reconciliation of the antagonists in the recognition of what really happened. (Robert Faurisson, The Journal of Historical Review, January-February 1999, p. 21).
In other words, I make with that remark the opposite of a CONCESSION. In a general way, not only do I expose the enthusiasts of the Big Lie for what they are, but I also refuse to borrow their least turn of phrase. The revisionists must show themselves to be candid, unbending and without CONCESSION. The time for CONCESSIONS is over […] It is pitiful when the head of an institute of revisionist studies is reduced to confessing: “I do not like to say that the Nazi gas chambers never existed”. It is regrettable that he should have concealed that attitude up to now and that only my insistence on getting an answer on the subject made him come out with it. It is a pity that, seeking to vindicate his position, he wrongly accused me of having been “misleading and unfair”. It is lamentable that in the dispute with me he should bring up a text of mine whose meaning he distorts to the point of turning it entirely around.
But it is heartening to see that I am now far from alone in denouncing a revisionism that has had its day and in advocating a new revisionism, more clear-cut, straightforward, vigorous and able, for a start, to put it to the upholders of the Big Lie that “The best proof that your Nazi gas chambers and your Nazi gas vans did not exist any more than your Jewish soap, your lampshades of human skin and so much other nonsense of a vile war propaganda is that, more than fifty years after that war, your ‘scientific experts’ are, more than ever, unable to show them to us”.
This new revisionism, which demands character, calls for young and spirited men.

7. En 2008, son abandon progressif du révisionnisme se confirme
En 2007, Fritz Berg, Bradley Smith et d’autres révisionnistes ont, à nouveau, demandé à M. Weber de s’expliquer ; en vain.
Le 16 août 2008, ce dernier prononce à Baltimore une conférence intitulée “In the Struggle for Peace and Justice: Countering Jewish-Zionist Power” (http://www.ihr.org/other/aug08weber.html). Pas un instant il n’y mentionne l’arme n°1 de ce power, c’est-à-dire le mensonge de “l’Holocauste” ! Je lui manifeste ma surprise et le prie de me fournir des éclaircissements. Il ne me répond pas. Je le relance. Le 2 septembre, il m’envoie une réponse qui n’en est pas une. Je le relance à nouveau. Et c’est alors qu’il me répond par les deux phrases suivantes : “In my presentation at the conference on August 16, I did not speak about “the Holocaust” because that was not the subject or the point of my address. When Dr. Siddique invited me to the conference, he asked me to give an address similar to earlier ones that he himself had heard or read.” La seconde phrase nous apprend, au passage, que notre conférencier n’en était pas à son premier escamotage : comme on le voit, déjà dans le passé, il avait délibérément pris l’habitude d’effacer de ses discours toute trace de contestation de “l’Holocauste”. Je lui responds alors : “Pitiful. It was a point of your address. Obviously. Necessarily. In the first place why did you [till now] avoid giving me those ‘explanations’?”

Le 9 septembre 2008, M. Weber publie “A Zionist Smear: The ADL Attacks an Islamic Peace Conference”. Le 16, je lui adresse en conséquence une nouvelle demande de clarification, que voici :

More than ever I need some clarification about your position on “the Holocaust”. I am not the only one seeking this clarification.
On reading your September 9, 2008 piece “A Zionist Smear: The ADL Attacks an Islamic Peace Conference”, anyone, I suppose, would infer that, for a certain man called Mark Weber, the Institute for Historical Review (IHR) was not a “Holocaust denial organization” and that it was even a “smear” to say such a thing. To say such a thing would be “at variance with the facts”, indeed “completely at variance”. In that text M. Weber considers himself a “responsible scholar of twentieth century history” and seems to consider that the IHR is an entity made up, partly or wholly, of other such responsible scholars (Faurisson being one of them?). He also seems to define “the Holocaust” as “the [– definite article –] great catastrophe [– in Hebrew, “Shoa”? –] that befell European Jewry during World War II”. Then M. Weber points out that, in his recent talk outside Baltimore, he mentioned the deaths of Jews during that great catastrophe in quoting from a speech by someone else to the effect that “the Europeans killed six million Jews out of twelve million”. In doing so, M. Weber, who is a responsible scholar, seems to think it worthwhile to mention that assertion and those figures without criticizing them in any way.
Mark, as you’ll surely have noticed, I’ve used the word “seems” so many times because I need some clarifications. In order to get them, I request that you let me put a few questions:
Do you believe that “the Europeans killed six million Jews out of twelve million”?; if not, please tell me what your own opinion is concerning both the word “killed” and the figures of “six” and “twelve million”.
Do you believe that the Germans decided on and planned a physical destruction of the European Jews? (“the specific crime”).
Do you believe in the existence and the use by the Germans of homicidal gas chambers or gas vans? (“the specific weapons of the specific crime”).
Please, make an effort really to address these questions and, for example, please avoid coming down with arguments such as: “How is it that you’ve waited till now to ask such questions?” or: “But, Robert, the IHR website is publishing papers like yours!” In our recent exchange on the matter, your replies were not clear and my last message was left unanswered.
So that you don’t believe I am alone among the revisionists in thinking there is a real problem with your being the head of a revisionist publication or website, allow me to tell you that, before drafting this very message, I asked a few people whether they had the slightest idea what your exact convictions were on the core of “the Holocaust”. One of these was Ted O’Keefe. Let me quote him here (with his express permission), from September 15, 2008:
By now I've received and read all of your emails on the latest with Mark. I agree that he has shamefully sidestepped the questions of whether the Holocaust as defined by the Jews took place, and the importance of the Holocaust imposture in the Jews' propaganda and policies.
As I made public in 2002, Mark has long been impotent to advance the program for which the IHR was founded and sustained.
I can now add that by his lawyerly evasions and cowardly omissions he continues to squander what's left of the IHR's intellectual and moral capital, and to betray the sacrifices made not only by revisionists such as you and Ernst Zuendel and Germar Rudolf, but also by the numerous supporters of the Institute over the years.

8. Se moque-t-il de nous ?
Le 23 septembre 2008, je reçois par la poste un texte à en-tête de l’IHR, signé de M. Weber et intitulé “A Productive Summer”. Il s’agit d’un appel au versement de dons. Rarement a-t-on vu un titre aussi trompeur. Il y est question de talks, d’interviews, de meetings, de shows, de broadcasts mais sans rapport avec le mensonge de “l’Holocauste”. On nous parle d’un “memorable IHR meeting on June 14 [2008]”, mais les deux seuls conférenciers de ce meeting ont été David Irving et M. Weber. Le premier a parlé de “his harrowing arrest in Austria, his sensational trial in Vienna, and his 13 months imprisonment there. He also spoke about wartime Germany’s harsh treatment of Jews, presenting a view of ‘the Holocaust’ similar to the one he laid out years ago in the first edition of his book, Hitler’s War.” Or D. Irving n’a jamais de sa vie vraiment contesté “l’Holocauste” et surtout pas dans la première édition de cet ouvrage ; il n’est tout au plus qu’un “reluctant revisionist”, changeant souvent d’avis sur une question qu’il reconnaît quelquefois n’avoir pas étudiée ; parfois même il lui arrive de proférer sur le compte du peuple allemand des abominations dignes de Daniel Jonah Goldhagen. Quant à l’autre orateur, M. Weber lui-même, il écrit : “In my talk, I took aim at the American national mythology about World War II. I spoke about two new books about the war, by Patrick Buchanan and by Nicholson Baker, praising them as important antidotes to the familiar, much propagandized portrayal of the conflict.” On voit par là qu’en la circonstance M. Weber n’a pas évoqué ce qui était la raison d’être essentielle et la vocation première de l’IHR : la révision du mythe de “l’Holocauste”.
9. Un mensonge pour finir ?
En janvier 2009, il publie donc cette pièce intitulée “How Relevant is Holocaust Revisionism?”, dont j’ai déjà dit quelques mots dans les premières lignes du présent article. A peu près chaque alinéa de cette pièce, si typique de M. Weber, mériterait de sévères remarques et rectifications. Je m’en dispenserai pour ne m’attarder qu’à un point et un seul, où il me semble surprendre M. Weber en flagrant délit de malhonnêteté. Il écrit :

A major reason for the lack of success in persuading people that conventional Holocaust accounts are fraudulent or exaggerated is that – as revisionists acknowledge – Jews in Europe were, in fact, singled out during the war years for especially severe treatment.
This was confirmed, for example, by German propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels in these confidential entries in his wartime diary:5
Feb. 14, 1942: “The Führer [Hitler] once again expresses his resolve ruthlessly to clear the Jews out of Europe. There must be no squeamish sentimentalism about it. The Jews have deserved the catastrophe that they are now experiencing. Their destruction will go hand in hand with the destruction of our enemies. We must hasten this process with cold ruthlessness.”
March 27, 1942: “The Jews are now being deported to the East from the Generalgouvernement [Poland], starting around Lublin. The procedure is a pretty barbaric one and not to be described here more definitely, and there’s not much left of the Jews. By and large, one can say that 60 percent of them will have to be liquidated, while only 40 percent can be put to work. The former Gauleiter of Vienna, who is carrying out the operation, is proceeding quite judiciously, using a method that is not all too conspicuous. The Jews are facing a judgment which, while barbaric, they fully deserve. The prophecy the Führer made about them for having brought on a new world war is beginning to come true in the most terrible manner. One must not be sentimental in these matters.”
April 29, 1942: “Short shrift is being made of the Jews in all eastern occupied territories. Tens of thousands of them are being wiped out.”
No informed person disputes that Europe’s Jews did, in fact, suffer a great catastrophe during the Second World War. Millions were forced from their homes and deported to brutal internment in crowded ghettos and camps. Jewish communities across Central and Eastern Europe, large and small, were wiped out. Millions lost their lives. When the war ended in 1945, most of the Jews of Germany, Poland, the Netherlands and other countries were gone.

Given all this, it should not be surprising that even well-founded revisionist arguments are often dismissed as heartless quibbling. 
On a bien lu : selon M. Weber, during World War II « millions [of Jews] lost their lives ». De quel droit notre homme se permet-il cette estimation chiffrée ? Où trouve-t-on dans toute la littérature holocaustique la preuve de ce qu’il avance là ? Où, dans ses propres écrits, aurait-il déjà écrit et prouvé cela ?
Mais ce n’est pas tout. L’exploitation qu’il fait ici de ces extraits du journal de Goebbels est stupéfiante. Les commentaires du ministre de la Propagande du Reich portent la marque d’une phraséologie de propagandiste national-socialiste, et cela au sujet d’événements où ce dernier n’a eu aucune part personnelle, aucune responsabilité directe et dont il a, à Berlin, simplement entendu parler. En 1988, à Toronto, lors du second procès Zündel, M. Weber, pour sa part, avait surtout dit que, selon lui, il y avait « a great doubt about the authenticity of the entire Goebbels diaries » et il avait insisté sur le fait que le contenu de la note du 27 mars 1942 était particulièrement suspect . En propres termes il avait déclaré sous serment :
The later entry, which I think is the 27th of March [1942], is widely quoted to uphold or support the extermination thesis. It is not consistent with entries in the diary like this one of March 7th, and it is not consistent with entries at a later date from the Goebbels diaries, and it is not consistent witht German documents from a later date. […] there is a great doubt about the authenticity of the entire Goebbels diaries because they are written on typewritter. We have no real way of verifying if they are accurate, and the U.S. Government certified, in the beginning of the publication […] that he can take no responsibility for the accurcy of the diaries as a whole. […] I think again it is worth mentioning that the passage of the 27th of March is inconsistent with the passage of the 7th of March and the one from April, and I don’t remember the date exact (Transcript, p. 5820-5821). Goebbels had no responsibility for Jewish policy. He wasn’t involved in that. He was the Propaganda Minister. He was involved only to the extent that there were Jews in Berlin and he was responsible for Berlin (p. 5822-5823).

Comment M. Weber peut-il aujourd’hui invoquer un document entièrement douteux et, dans ce document, un passage particulièrement suspect. Est-ce à dire qu’entre 1988 et 2008, il aurait totalement changé d’avis ? Si oui, quand nous en a-t-il prévenus et quelles ont été les raisons d’un tel revirement ?
10. Un cas pathétique
En d’autres temps, j’aurais pris la peine d’écrire à M. Weber pour lui poser ces questions mais l’expérience m’a appris, comme on peut le voir, qu’il est homme à fuir les demandes d’explication ou à tricher dans ses réponses.
Le destin l’aura puni d’un tel comportement. On constate aujourd’hui que le directeur de l’IHR nous a fait savoir son renoncement au combat révisionniste à l’heure même où le révisionnisme vient, enfin, de faire une entrée aussi spectaculaire qu’inattendue sur la scène internationale. Au tournant des années 2008 et 2009aura, en effet, débuté ce qui, un jour, pour les historiens, apparaîtra peut-être comme le commencement d’une révolution des esprits. Précédée de l’affaire Dieudonné et suivie de l’affaire Abrahamowicz, l’affaire Williamson, quelle que doive être sa conclusion, aura, d’un formidable coup de projecteur montré à quel point la religion des prétendues chambres à gaz nazies et du prétendu génocide des juifs repose sur des bases fragiles. Il y avait un moyen de répondre publiquement à Mgr Richard Williamson : il suffisait de nous montrer à la télévision une seule chambre à gaz nazie ou un seul document nous permettant de voir à quoi aurait bien pu ressembler une telle arme de destruction massive. Or on ne lui a fourni publiquement ni une photographie, ni un dessin technique, ni un document, ni rien de tel. On l’a destitué, on l’a abreuvé d’outrages, on l’a voué au diable, on le menace de procès et de prison, on le met en demeure de confesser son égarement. Mais, comble de malchance pour ses ennemis et ironie du sort pour le catholique traditionaliste qu’il est, si jamais il tombait enfin à genoux devant la nouvelle Inquisition, c’est à Galilée qu’il ferait songer, Galilée à qui la science et l’histoire ont fini par donner raison en dépit de son abjuration. Même s’il finissait par perdre, Richard Williamson aurait donc gagné, et l’histoire avec lui.
M. Weber, lui, s’est déshonoré et pour rien. L’histoire l’a condamné.
10 février 2009